On
1965, Ferdinand Marcos won the
Presidential election and became the 10th President of the
Philippines. For more than 20 years
(Dec. 30, 1965 – Feb. 25,1986) Ferdinand Marcos ruled the Philippines. His
political venture began with his
election to the House of Representatives in 1949 as a Congressman from Ilocos. He
became Senate President in 1963. He was married to Imelda Romualdez from Leyte.
He ran for President as Nacionalista in 1965 election and won over Macapagal.
Elected with Marcos as Vice-President was his NP running mate Fernando Lopez.
THE FIRST MARCOS TERM
(1965 – 1969)
In
his first term Marcos tried to stabilize the financial position of the government
through an intensified tax collection. He also borrowed heavily from
international financing institutions to support a large-scale infrastructure
works projects were built (e.g. North Luzon Expressway and
the Maharlika Highway). He improved agricultural production to make
the country self-sufficient in food, especially in rice.
Marcos
also tried to strengthen the foreign relations of the Philippines. He hosted a
seven-nation summit conference on the crisis in South Vietnam in October, 1966.
In support for the U.S. military efforts in South Vietnam, he agreed to send
Filipino troops to that war zone. He sent 10,450 Filipino soldiers to Vietnam
during his term, under the PHILCAG (Philippine Civic Action Group). The
12th President of the Philippines, Fidel Ramos, was then a part of this
expeditionary force.
THE SECOND
TERM OF MARCOS (1969 – 1972 )
In
November 1969 Ferdinand Marcos and Fernando Lopez were re-elected. They
defeated the Liberal Party ticket of Sergio Osmeña, Jr. and Senator Genaro Magsaysay.
In winning the election, Marcos achieved the political distinction of being the
first President of the Republic to be re-elected.
Marcos
began his second term by creating a personality cult of sorts around himself,
mandating that all public institutions must carry a picture of the President,
and even replacing some billboards with his propaganda messages.
The 1971
Constitutional Convention The Congress of the Philippines called for a
Constitutional Convention on June 1, 1971 to review and rewrite the 1935
Constitution. Three-hundred twenty delegates were elected. The convention was
headed first by former President Carlos P. Garcia and later by former President
Diosdado Macapagal.
The
Convention's image was tarnished by scandals which included the bribing of some
delegates to make them "vote" against a proposal to prohibit Marcos
from continuing in power under a new constitution. This scandal was exposed by
Delegate Eduardo Quintero. For exposing the bribery attempt, Quintero found himself
harassed by the government.
The first
Papal Visit to the Philippines On November 27, 1970, Pope Paul VI visited the
Philippines. It was the first time that the Pope had visited the only Catholic
nation in Asia. Huge crowds met the Pope wherever he went in Metro Manila. The
Pope left on November 29.
Marcos'
second term was marked by economic turmoil brought about by factors both
external and internal, a restless student body who demanded educational
reforms, a rising crime rate, and a growing Communist insurgency, among other
things.
The Rise of Student Activism
The crisis
boiled over on January 30, 1970 during a massive protest in Mendiola now known
as the First Quarter Storm . Large throngs of students went out
into the street of Manila and other urban centers to denounce the rampant graft
and corruption, human rights violation, high tuition fees, militarization and
abuses of the military, the presence of the U.S. Military bases and the
subservience of the Marcos Administration to U.S. interests and policies.
The most
violent student demonstration took place on January 1970 when thousands of
student demonstrators tried to storm the gates of Malacañang. Six students were
killed and many were wounded. This event came to be know as the "Battle of
Mendiola".
The
radical student groups during this period were the Kabataang Makabayan (KM) and
the Samahang Demokratikong Kabataan (SDK). The communists took advantage of the
situation and used the demonstrations in advancing its interests. The most
prominent of the student leaders of this time were Nilo Tayag and Edgar
Joson.
Plaza
Miranda Bombing
In
the early 1970's many of the acts of violence were inspired by the communists.
Some, however, were believed to have been planned by pro-Marcos and other
terrorist incidents rocked Metro Manila. The bloodiest was the Plaza Miranda
Bombing on the night of August 1, 1971 where the Liberal Party had a
political rally. Eight persons were killed and over 100 others were injure.
Among the senatorial candidates injured were Eva Estrada Kalaw and several of
its top officials.
Marcos blamed the communists for the tragic incident. He suspended the writ of habeas corpus to maintain peace and other. The suspension was lifted on January 11, 1972. Hundred of suspected subversives among the ranks of students, workers and professionals were picked up and detained by the government.
Marcos blamed the communists for the tragic incident. He suspended the writ of habeas corpus to maintain peace and other. The suspension was lifted on January 11, 1972. Hundred of suspected subversives among the ranks of students, workers and professionals were picked up and detained by the government.
THE
PROCLAMATION OF MARTIAL LAW
On
September 21, 1972, Marcos declared Martial Law. This marked the beginning of
the Marcos dictatorship. Proclamation 1081 placed the entire country under the
military. It was signed on September 21, 1972 and announced to the nation in
the evening of September 23, 1972. His main reason for declaring Martial Law as
"to save the Republic" and "to reform society". He
explained that the growing violence in the nation, caused by the leftists and
the rightists elements had come to certain magnitude that required martial law.
It
was believed that the true reason why Marcos declared martial was to perpetuate
his rule over the Philippines. The 1935 Constitution limited the term of the
President to no more than eight consecutive years in office. The
constitution did not say how long martial law should last. The constitution
left much about martial law to the President's own judgment.
Marcos
extended the period of Martial Law beyond the end of his term in 1973. He
abolished the Congress of the Philippines and over its legislative powers.
Thus, Marcos became a one-man ruler, a dictator. Marcos described his martial
law government as a "constitutional authoritarianism".
Although the courts remained in the judiciary, the judges of all courts, from the Supreme Court down to the lowest courts, became "casuals". Their stay in office depended on the wishes of the dictator.
Although the courts remained in the judiciary, the judges of all courts, from the Supreme Court down to the lowest courts, became "casuals". Their stay in office depended on the wishes of the dictator.
Under
the martial law Marcos disregarded the constitution. For instance, he violated
the provision which guaranteed the Bill of Rights (Article III). Upon his
orders, the military picked up and detained thousands of Filipinos suspected of
subversion. Among them were his critics and political opponents namely Senator
Benigno S. Aquino, Jr., Francisco "Soc"Rodrigo, Jose W. Diokno and
Jovita R. Salonga. Hundreds of detainees were tortured by their captors. Some
disappeared and were never found again. Many were held in military detention
camps for years without trial.
As
a result of the foregoing measured, the crime rate in the country was reduced
significantly. People became law-abiding. But these good gains did not last
long. After a year of martial law, crime rates started to soar. By the time
Marcos was removed from power, the peace and order situation in the country had
become worse.
This communist insurgency problem did not stop when Marcos declared Martial law. A government report in 1986 showed that the NPAs already numbered over 16,000 heavily-armed guerillas. The NPAs waged a vigorous war against government forces They staged ambuscades and engaged in terrorist activities such as assassination of local officials who were known to be engaged in corrupt activities. The NPA killer squads were called Sparrow Units. They were feared in the areas under their control. They also imposed taxed in their territories.
This communist insurgency problem did not stop when Marcos declared Martial law. A government report in 1986 showed that the NPAs already numbered over 16,000 heavily-armed guerillas. The NPAs waged a vigorous war against government forces They staged ambuscades and engaged in terrorist activities such as assassination of local officials who were known to be engaged in corrupt activities. The NPA killer squads were called Sparrow Units. They were feared in the areas under their control. They also imposed taxed in their territories.
To
fight the growing NPA threat, Marcos increased the armed forces to over 200,000
men. He also organized Civilian Home Defense Forces in the rural areas
threatened by the NPAs . Several NPA leaders were captured like Jose Ma. Sison,
alleged founder of the communist Party in the Philippines; Bernabe Buscayno,
the NPA chief, and Victor Corpus, a renegade PC lieutenant.
The rampant violation of human rights of the people in the rural areas suspected of being NPA sympathizers, the injustices committed by some government officials and powerful and influential persons, and the continuing poverty of the people were used as propaganda of the NPA in attracting idealistic young people.
The rampant violation of human rights of the people in the rural areas suspected of being NPA sympathizers, the injustices committed by some government officials and powerful and influential persons, and the continuing poverty of the people were used as propaganda of the NPA in attracting idealistic young people.
Even
priests and nuns who were witnesses to the oppression of the Marcos
dictatorship join the NPAs. One of the priests who joined the NPA was Father
Conrado Balweg of the Society of the Divine Word (SVD). He became a rebel folk
hero to the ethnic tribes in the Cordilleras in Northern Luzon. As of July
1993, Balweg claimed to reports: "I am still in charge".
PEOPLE POWER IN THE PHILIPPINES
FERDINAND MARCOS
When Ferdinand Marcos was twenty years
old he was arrested for conspiracy in the murder of one of his father's
political rivals. He was convicted of murder and sentenced to prison. The case
was appealed before the Philippine Supreme Court. Marcos, a young lawyer with
no trial experience, represented himself and won the appeal. He was set free.
At one time Marcos was one of the
world's most powerful dictators. First elected president of the Philippines in
1965, he pulled the strings of power like a master puppeteer. He consolidated
power by manipulating public opinion, stealing elections, perfecting the arts
of political patronage and bribery. Arrests and assassinations kept the public
living in fear.
Although the Philippine constitution
limited the presidency to two four-year terms, Marcos ruled for twenty years.
He achieved this by suspending the constitution (after declaring martial law),
and then writing another constitution more conducive to his ambitions. He ran
the Philippines like it was his private country club, controlling the military,
the parliament, the courts, the bureaucracy, the press and several business
monopolies. He and his "cronies" got richer while the country got
poorer.
ASSASSINATION
Then in 1983 Benigno Aquino decided to
return to the Philippines after three years of self-imposed exile. As a popular
politician, Aquino represented the primary threat to the Marcos presidency. For
his "protection," a military escort greeted Aquino when he arrived at
Manila International Airport. As he exited the plane, there were shots. When it
was over Aquino's body lay sprawled on the tarmac. The assassination of Benigno
Aquino was the match that lit the fire that would eventually consume the Marcos
regime.
THE
FUNERAL
The Marcos government banned TV
coverage of the Aquino funeral. As a result, thousands of people showed up,
wanting to see for themselves what was going on. The funeral march turned into
an eleven-hour impromptu demonstration against Marcos.
By not allowing TV coverage, Marcos was
using the old-fashioned tactics of heavy-handed repression. He didn't
understand what the elites of most modern industrial nations have learned—that
there are much more subtle (and efficient) means of controlling a population.
Had he allowed, even encouraged, extensive TV coverage and turned the whole
affair into a spectacle, people may have stayed home and watched the tube
instead of going out and getting involved.
REACTION
The public reacted angrily to the
Aquino murder. Rallies and other forms of resistance sprang up in cities and
towns all over the Philippines. During the next two and a half years all
segments of the population, including the upper and middle classes, joined the
struggle to get rid of Marcos. Finally, yielding to pressure from his people
(and the U.S.), Marcos called for presidential elections to prove he still had
widespread support.
Benigno Aquino's widow Cory, a
self-described housewife, ran against Marcos. The election was marked by
widespread fraud, with Marcos' thugs beating up election workers and scrambling
voter roles. The government declared Marcos the winner.
After the election Cory Aquino spoke to
a crowd of one million people at a rally in Manila. She proposed a seven-part
program of nonviolent resistance, including a one-day work stoppage and a
boycott of Marcos-controlled banks, stores and newspapers. She urged people to
"experiment with nonviolent forms of protest" and declared: "...if
Goliath refuses to yield, we shall keep dipping into our arsenal of nonviolence
and escalate our nonviolent struggle." The revolution had begun.
DEFECTION
On February 22, 1986, Defense Minister
Juan Ponce Enrile and Deputy Chief of Staff Fidel Ramos defect from the Marcos
government. Enrile and Ramos barricade themselves in the Defense Ministry
headquarters in Manila, along with a small group of sympathetic troops. They
say they are prepared to die rather than continue supporting the corrupt Marcos
regime.
DEFENDING
CHANNEL FOUR
When several platoons of loyalist
soldiers try to take back channel four, they are surrounded by civilians. A
priest walks up and leads the crowd in the Lord's Prayer. People begin shaking
the soldiers' hands and giving them McDonalds hamburgers, doughnuts and orange
soda. The tension eases. After a while the commander agrees to withdraw his
troops.
As the soldiers prepare to depart, a
middle-aged woman in an Aquino T-shirt helps a machine gunner wind belts of
ammunition around his chest. "There, now you look like Rambo," she
tells him. But as the soldier bends down to pick up his gun, it accidentally
discharges. Another soldier is hit in the face and killed. It is the only
violent death on February 24, the next to last day of the revolution.
VICTORY
On the 25th both Aquino and Marcos hold
separate inaugurations. The Marcos inauguration is a pathetic affair, attended
by family members and a few paid guests. Behind the scenes Marcos is
maneuvering to save face, placing phone calls to influential Filipinos and
begging to be allowed to stay on as an "Honorary President," or at
least to remain in the Philippines as a private citizen. He must be astonished
to see his power, which seemed so absolute only a few weeks ago, evaporate so
quickly and completely.
At about nine o'clock that night,
Marcos and his family sneak out the back door of Malacañang Palace and take a
boat across the Pasig River where helicopters are waiting. At Clark Air base
they board a U.S. Air Force plane headed for Guam. Marcos, who ruled for twenty
years as one of the world's most powerful dictators, is now just a sick old man
fleeing his country like a frightened dog.
When Marcos' departure is announced
jubilant Filipinos celebrate in the streets and flood into Malacañang Palace.
There is some fighting and retribution against citizens and troops who had been
loyal to Marcos, but it is minimal.
After violent revolutions there are
always scores to settle, grudges to satisfy, revenge to extract, and the cycle
of violence continues. But because the Filipino people created major political
change largely without violence, national reconciliation was that much easier.
COMMENTARY
While the Philippine revolution deposed
a powerful dictator, it left much of the old centralized power structure unchanged.
The U.S. still retained major influence through military aid and bases. The
Philippine military remained intact under Defense Minister Enrile, the same man
who had gotten rich from political connections while serving as Defense
Minister under Marcos. The new President, Cory Aquino, was from a wealthy
family. The poor were still poor, and the rich were still in charge. Capitalism
emerged stronger than ever.
What the story of the Philippine
revolution demonstrates is the power people can have when they withdraw
consent. The same dynamics apply, no matter what the issue. Had Filipinos
decided to go on and struggle for a more equitable distribution of wealth, the
abolition of the military, or a decentralized government that was more
responsive to their needs, who knows what more amazing things they might have
achieved.
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